Femi Fani-Kayode has published a blistering follow up to his earlier essay on Mallam Nasir El-Rufai. The piece widens the scope of the allegation beyond political rancour. It extends into allegations that touch on national security, illegal phone-tapping, and the importation of lethal chemicals.
It is a sustained, personal and public summons for answers from one of Nigeria’s most polarising figures.
At issue are three different but connected claims.
First, that El-Rufai and associates had access to tapped conversations of the National Security Adviser.
Second, that highly toxic thallium sulphate was imported in quantities that require urgent explanation.
Third, El-Rufai’s final months in office as FCT minister and later as Kaduna governor involved mass demolitions. These demolitions left vulnerable people homeless. There was also alleged destruction of orphanages.
Each claim carries policy, legal and moral consequences.
On the phone tapping allegation, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission has made a statement. They said electronic devices capable of intercepting communications were recovered. This happened during an operation at El-Rufai’s residence.
That statement, if substantiated in court, transforms a political row into a matter for criminal investigation and national security review.
El-Rufai’s public letter to the NSA about the importation of thallium sulphate has itself become a focus.
The former governor asked pointed questions about purpose, supplier and permits for the chemical, which he described as highly toxic.
The Office of the National Security Adviser has categorically denied procuring the chemical. They referred relevant queries to security services for verification.
The public dispute between a former governor and state security institutions is exceptional in tone and risk.
The demolition record is the human component of the controversy. Independent reporting and archival coverage of late May 2023 reveal that KASUPDA and other agencies carried out systematic demolitions in Kaduna. These demolitions included Gbagyi Villa and properties linked to the Islamic Movement of Nigeria.
In Abuja, critics and some reports claim that thousands of structures were razed. This happened during El-Rufai’s tenure as FCT minister. It continued during later enforcement actions.
Those actions are still contested in courts and in public memory. The core problem is not just enforcement. It is also about the scale and timing of the demolitions. The adequacy of due process and compensation is another crucial aspect.
What separates Fani-Kayode’s contribution from routine political invective is an intelligence framing.
He asks about the actors who gave or enabled El-Rufai access to tapped conversations. These actors might be foreign intelligence operatives. They could also be elements with links to terrorist groups.
He theorises about false flag possibilities. This is a rhetorical line of inquiry. He also discusses the weaponisation of chemical agents to provoke domestic destabilisation.
Those are serious scenarios and they demand forensic verification rather than speculation.
Fact checking at this stage is straightforward on several points but remains incomplete on others.
The existence of El-Rufai’s letter to the NSA is public and his comments on thallium sulphate are verifiable.
National outlets have reported the ICPC statement about finding electronic devices during searches. The commission has also commented publicly.
The full forensic inventory and technical analysis of any recovered equipment are matters for investigators and courts.
The record does not yet show proof. There is no evidence that El-Rufai conspired with foreign services or with terrorist cells to import chemicals or plot mass murder. Allegation and proof are distinct.
The appropriate next step is transparent, timely and accountable investigation by security agencies and judicial review where warranted. That process must protect classified material when necessary while preventing the appearance of a cover up.
The public has a right to clarity because the allegations cut across public safety, democratic accountability and human rights.
There are broader political dynamics at play. Fani-Kayode’s piece resurrects old grievances between El-Rufai and political rivals. It recasts past governance disputes as proof of a wider malign pattern.
For victims of demolitions or those displaced by enforcement actions the piece is cathartic and confirmatory. For El-Rufai’s supporters it will be read as partisan attack and exaggeration.
The risk for institutions is that politics will clog legitimate inquiry and politicise forensic findings. That would be bad for national security and worse for rule of law.
Good investigative practice in this moment requires three things.
First, security investigators should make a clear and dated statement of facts they can release without compromising operations.
Second, courts should expedite petitions and injunctions related to demolitions and property rights to resolve lingering grievances.
Third, all named public figures should be given the opportunity to respond under oath where appropriate.
A transparent timetable helps to defuse conspiracy narratives and protects the innocent.
How should readers and editors treat Fani-Kayode’s essay.
As journalism it is an opinion piece with factual claims. The correct editorial treatment is to separate provable facts from rhetoric. It is also important to follow the paper trail of documents, search warrants, seizure lists, and official correspondence.
That is what professional investigative reporting does. It also tests the hard consequences of those claims against official records and independent witnesses.
Conclusion. The Fani-Kayode essay has pushed the controversy onto a new terrain. It demands that security agencies, prosecutors and courts act with speed and with transparency.
It also demands that journalists follow documentary leads rather than heat.
If the allegations are true the consequences are grave. If they are false the reputational damage is equally serious. Nigeria cannot afford either a cover up or a witch hunt. The only safe path is methodical, public and impartial inquiry.
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