}

Sam Presto’s latest intervention, The Hypocrisy Around Jonathan, arrives at a moment when former President Goodluck Jonathan’s possible return to the 2027 presidential race has moved far beyond social media gossip and into serious political and legal territory.

Jonathan has told a delegation pressing him to run that he will “consult widely”, while a Federal High Court in Abuja is currently handling a suit seeking to stop him from contesting the 2027 election.

At the same time, the ruling APC has already endorsed President Bola Tinubu for a second and final term, showing how early the 2027 battle has begun.  

Presto’s central claim is straightforward and politically potent. In his words, “The issue is not whether Dr. Jonathan should contest or not. The real issue is whether the standards being applied to him are the same standards being applied to other potential candidates.”

That argument captures the mood around Jonathan’s possible return: some politicians and commentators speak as though democracy demands choice, yet seem eager to narrow the field when Jonathan is the one being mentioned.

In another line, Presto insists that “Democracy is built on choice,” a phrase that reflects the deeper tension in Nigeria’s 2027 conversation.  

The legal fight is the sharpest fault line in the debate. The controversy turns on section 137(3) of the Constitution, introduced by the Fourth Alteration Act, which says: “A person who was sworn in as President to complete the term for which another person was elected as President shall not be elected to such office for more than a single term.”

The current dispute is whether that wording bars Jonathan, who completed Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s term before winning the 2011 election, from another run in 2027.

A Federal High Court in Abuja has already fixed judgment for 26 May 2026 in one of the suits challenging his eligibility.  

That is why the lawyers are split. Vanguard reported that one SAN, Dayo Akinlaja, argued Jonathan “is still entitled to contest”, saying the amendment should not be read retroactively.

Another lawyer, Elekwachi Nnabuihe, also said the law “does not have retroactive effect” and that Jonathan would not be stopped by the alteration.

But human rights lawyer Johnmary Jideobi took the opposite view, insisting that if Jonathan won again he would have “exceeded the maximum number of eight years” contemplated by the Constitution.

This legal tug of war explains why the former president’s political future remains uncertain even before any party ticket is formally at stake.  

Presto’s piece also attacks the selective morality of some of Jonathan’s critics. He argues that politicians who accuse Jonathan of forming alliances, seeking forgiveness or rebuilding bridges often celebrate the same behaviour when their own favourites do it.

That is not merely a rhetorical flourish. Nigerian politics in 2025 and 2026 has been dominated by realignments, defections and coalition talks, while the APC has pushed Tinubu as its sole candidate and praised his reforms despite the cost-of-living crisis that critics say followed subsidy removal and exchange-rate liberalisation.

Presto’s point is that coalition-building is treated as smart politics for some actors and treachery for others.  

The Jonathan image remains powerful because it is tied to restraint, not aggression. His 2014 line, “Nobody’s political ambition is worth the blood of any Nigerian,” remains one of the most quoted statements in his public life.

More recently, when his supporters urged him to run again, he responded that “The presidential race is not a computer game. But I have heard you. And I will consult widely.”

Those two quotes help explain why many Nigerians still see Jonathan as a stabilising figure, while others insist that his legacy should be protected by staying out of the race entirely.  

That is where Presto’s article is most politically useful. It forces the conversation away from personal liking and towards consistency.

If one politician may run because democracy allows it, then the same principle should apply to another.

If alliances are respectable for one camp, they cannot become criminal when Jonathan is involved.

If legacy is a reason to stay away from the ballot, then the same standard should be applied evenly to every candidate with a reputation to protect.

The deeper question is not whether Jonathan is perfect, but whether Nigeria’s elite are prepared to let voters decide without pre-screening the field to suit their own interests.  

For now, Jonathan remains both a symbol and a test case. He is a symbol of the politics of calm, and a test case for how Nigeria interprets term limits, succession and the right to seek office.

With a court ruling imminent, Tinubu already endorsed by the APC, and opposition forces still struggling for unity, the 2027 race is shaping up as much as a contest over power as over principle.

Presto’s open letter argues that Jonathan should not be singled out. Whether Nigerians agree or not, the real scandal may be the double standard itself.


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