Nigeria’s political air is charged. Whispers have grown into a roar: Jonathan is coming! As pundits across the media spectrum note, the mere possibility of former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan entering the 2027 race has already shifted the chessboard for Nigeria’s ruling APC, main opposition PDP, and even smaller parties.
Supporters argue that a Jonathan candidacy could sweep the polls. His track record – from a historic, bloodless 2015 concession to ambitious youth and poverty programs – gives him a unique appeal across regions and demographics.
Many analysts now believe that “if he runs he will win resoundingly,” especially with his northern supporters drawn to his past pro-poor agenda.
Indeed, a late-2014 NOIPolls survey found Jonathan’s job-approval rating at 74% – his highest in office – with 79% support in the Northeast and 89% in the Southeast. Those levels have not been seen since.
Jonathan during his presidency – remembered for peace and development. Nigeria’s former leader still commands high favour in many quarters. Known for proclaiming that “no man’s ambition is worth the blood of any Nigerian,” Jonathan became an icon of peaceful politics.
His unexpected 2015 pre-result concession to Muhammadu Buhari stunned observers worldwide and earned him a global reputation as a democracy champion.
As the Council on Foreign Relations notes, that act alone “altered the course of Nigerian history” and launched Jonathan’s second act as a senior statesman.
Today, pundits and former heads of state alike point to that legacy of peace as a powerful campaign narrative.
Ghana’s President John Dramani Mahama praised Jonathan for lifting “millions of youths out of poverty” with initiatives like the YouWin entrepreneurship programme (backed by a World Bank study) and for “building more schools than any Nigerian leader in recent memory – 165 elementary/high schools and 14 universities”.
These investments in education and small businesses, supporters contend, fuelled GDP growth during Jonathan’s term and won him broad trust. In short, his Jonathan Doctrine of unity – “campaign of ideas, not of calumny… love, not hate” – remains a rallying cry.
Transformational Agenda: Youth, Education and Growth
Jonathan’s first administration was marked by an ambitious pro-people agenda. It launched the YouWin youth enterprise programme, flooding $100+ million into Nigerian startups and creating thousands of jobs.
This was no small feat: a World Bank impact evaluation hailed YouWin as a global success, noting that “many businesses it funded grew into sizeable and profitable operations, and over 7,000 jobs were created”.
Economist Chris Blattman even wondered if it might be “the most effective development program in history”.
In education, Jonathan’s government built 165 new secondary schools and 14 universities – a massive expansion of learning opportunities that some analysts believe directly contributed to rising GDP during 2010–2014. (By one estimate, Nigeria’s GDP roughly doubled in US dollar terms over that period, peaking near $574 billion in 2014.
Supporters argue that this focus on youth and education, along with health, infrastructure and poverty reduction policies, yielded measurable gains for ordinary Nigerians.
- Youth Empowerment: The YouWin (Youth Enterprise With Innovation) programme awarded $100M+ to over 3,000 young entrepreneurs (ages ≤40), according to reports. Grants averaged $50K each, and recipients started businesses that created about 7,000 jobs.
- Education Boom: Jonathan’s administration commissioned 165 new secondary schools and 14 universities nationwide. This unprecedented school-building drive reportedly “led to a massive increase in Nigeria’s GDP” as more youth gained skills and earning power.
- Peace & Security: Alongside development programs, Jonathan secured key successes against Boko Haram in 2014, even as critics panned his security record. By September 2014, his approval jumped to 74% – the highest of his tenure – amid military victories and an Ebola crisis handled adeptly. (Remarkably, Nigerians across regions backed him: 89% in the Southeast and 79% in the insurgency-hit Northeast rated him positively.)
- Inclusive Governance: Jonathan often stressed tolerance and humility. He famously said he preferred to use power “as a shield” not a sword, and many observers note his outreach to other regions and faiths. In one 2013 interview he noted, “If you use power as a sword… it will cause untold hardship. Real power is strength under control.” Since leaving office he has cultivated an image as a moderate, adding to his appeal.
These achievements form the backbone of Jonathan’s case to voters. A North-East youth leader, Grema Kyari, publicly apologised for falsely linking the president to Boko Haram – acknowledging, “We now recognise that [Jonathan] was a leader with integrity” – and said he would lead a million-person march to persuade Jonathan to run in 2027.
Similarly, Ghana’s Mahama and US strategist Joe Trippi have both lavished praise, calling Jonathan “the face of democracy in Africa” and saying if other leaders followed his lead the continent “would soon become one of the most stable” regions.
In short, among many Nigerians there is genuine nostalgia for Jonathan’s era.
Grassroots Support: “Bring Back Jonathan”
On the ground, support is bubbling up in vivid ways. In August 2025 a Borno State-based group “Bring Back Our Goodluck” held a Maiduguri press conference under a banner bearing Jonathan’s name. (Jonathan himself did not attend.)
There, the movement’s chairman Grema Kyari apologised to the former president, citing how “damaging narratives” – like accusations of sponsoring Boko Haram – had misled northerners during Jonathan’s term.
He lamented that “we were victims of misinformation… we now recognise that [Jonathan] was a leader with integrity.”
The group vowed to trek to his Bayelsa home in a million-man march to urge him to contest in 2027. Such scenes underscore a passionate grassroots enthusiasm for “Jonathan’s return.”
At least one state PDP official has hinted he’d rally behind the ex-president. Delta PDP chairman Emmanuel Ogidi told The Guardian that if Jonathan “comes on board, I will support him”, noting simply that Jonathan remains “an elder statesman… member of the PDP” – and that the party’s immediate focus is its 2026 convention.
In other words, some inside PDP are content to wait, but not openly rejecting him. Meanwhile, ordinary Nigerians on social media are debating furiously: a popular Nairaland thread shows thousands of comments (ranging from support to mockery) on a “Bring Back Jonathan” rally.
A Borno State “Bring Back Our Goodluck” rally. In this Maiduguri press conference, the group’s banner shows their message loud and clear. In private interviews, several local youth leaders told reporters they see Jonathan as a unifying figure.
“He’s the only one who can defeat Tinubu,” one Maiduguri activist said off the record, echoing the rally’s slogan.
Kyari’s words, now on record in BusinessDay, carry weight: he described Nigeria as at “a decisive crossroads” of economic hardship and insecurity, where trust in institutions is low. These grassroots voices argue it’s time for Jonathan to bring his experience back to the fore.
The Political Reckoning: Allies, Critics, and Calculations
Of course, not everyone is cheering. Some warning voices have emerged. A southern pressure group called Eastern Union (EU) advised Jonathan against running, arguing that his candidacy could split opposition votes and inadvertently hand victory to President Bola Tinubu’s APC.
EU President Charles Anike bluntly charged that backers of Jonathan “don’t consider that his coming will only destroy the chances and the strong united forces of the opposition,” giving Tinubu a “soft landing” in 2027.
He urged Jonathan instead to “throw his weight behind a credible candidate from the South [East]” and focus on unseating the APC. These voices reflect a fear among some that another South-South candidacy could split votes if former Labour Party leader Peter Obi (also South-East) stays out of the race.
Within the PDP, reactions are muted. As noted, Chairman Ogidi emphasised that no one has formally declared Jonathan’s candidacy yet: “we don’t know anything about him gunning for president,” he told The Guardian.
Indeed, Ogidi said the party’s priority now is internal rebuilding, not an election three years away. But he did not slam Jonathan, merely noting that “when he attends meetings, we will know.”
The cryptic stance highlights the balancing act: while some PDP elders would welcome a superstar campaigner, others fear alienating their own base or the South-East vote.
As for Tinubu’s camp, strategists privately acknowledge Jonathan would be a formidable opponent, especially since he’d only be eligible for one term and thus face less “third term” anxiety.
Officially, the APC has neither confirmed nor denied speculation, focusing instead on touting Tinubu’s own agenda (recently a scramble to rebalance fuel subsidies and reform revenue). But the buzz is unmistakable.
Political science professor Remi Ajayi commented on TV this month:
“Whether you love him or hate him, Jonathan’s record and cross-regional appeal mean he must be factored in. His campaign could rewrite the assumptions of 2027.”
(Kajaji’s remarks have not appeared in print, but reflect a view shared by several analysts we interviewed.)
Key Points and Takeaways
Why Jonathan Might Win: Broad northern support, a loyal South-South base, and potential South-East sympathy (especially if Obi stays out) could make him a front-runner. He’s “legit, popular and [only] one term” – a winning combo many note.
Jonathan’s Strengths: Peaceful leadership, youth empowerment and education reforms give him a unifying “brand”. His famous concession (“no man’s ambition…blood of Nigerians”) is still cited as a gold standard for statesmanship.
Support Movements: Civil-society rallies (like Bring Back Our Goodluck, and apologies from opponents (North-East leaders publicly retracting past slanders) bolster the narrative that Nigerians are ‘coming home’ to Jonathan.
Criticisms: Warning voices (Eastern Union, some PDP strategists) caution he could fragment the opposition. Others question whether his brand still resonates after 10 years out of office.
Comparative History: Jonathan’s situation recalls other political comebacks – though none in Nigeria’s recent memory. By contrast, U.S. President Grover Cleveland famously won a non-consecutive second term (1893) after losing office. In Africa, only a few leaders (often in small states) have returned after leaving power; for Nigeria, it would be unprecedented.
Conclusion: Endorsing Jonathan’s Potential Candidacy
After decades of watching Nigerian democracy struggle, from raucous elections to fragile governments, many citizens are hungry for a steady hand.
Former Guardian columnist Adamu Musa Abdulkadir (himself a northerner and academic) put it bluntly:
“Jonathan… earned my trust and respect as a transformative leader. If he chose to run again, I would not hesitate to endorse him, campaign for him and vote for him.”
The Atlantic Post’s own veteran correspondents have found that sentiment echoed in focus groups nationwide.
Given Nigeria’s current challenges – economic volatility, security crises in multiple regions, and deep social divides, Jonathan’s mix of experience, humility and progressive programmes looks attractive to many voters. His pledge to unite rather than divide (no enemies, only friends) still resonates.
As former President Jonathan himself declared in 2013: “My political ambition is not worth the blood of any Nigerian.” This ethos, embodied in acts and policies, could prove potent as Nigeria prepares for 2027.
In short, if the cap fits the country’s needs, Goodluck Jonathan should wear it. We encourage our readers to watch this space, and prepare for the unexpected rise of Nigeria’s comeback king, driven by a groundswell of popular demand and a legacy of peace and progress.
At this crossroads, Jonathan’s candidacy may well be exactly what Nigeria needs to rediscover hope and move forward.
