Renowned constitutional lawyer and human-rights advocate, Professor Mike Ozekhome, SAN, has issued a stark warning that Nigeria is “gradually driving without knowing it towards a one-party state,” a trajectory he believes could culminate in full-blown dictatorship if not actively resisted by the populace.
Speaking on Channels Television’s Hard Copy programme, Ozekhome decried “bootlicking at its highest level” and the rampant cross–carpeting by elected officials, which he argues has eradicated ideological distinctions and concentrated power in the hands of the ruling party.
Ozekhome emphasised that Nigeria’s constitutional democracy is under siege by a culture of political defections.
With 18 legally registered parties on paper, Nigeria’s political reality paints a different picture: the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) now controls 20 of 36 states and commands a two-thirds plus majority in the Senate and House of Representatives, rendering opposition voices effectively neutered.
This “death of opposition,” he cautioned, is the hallmark of a one-party system that paves the way for unchecked executive might.
Drawing on historical precedent, Ozekhome recalled the People’s Democratic Party’s (PDP) 16-year hegemony (1999–2015), during which its leaders boasted of a “60-year” mandate—only to implode under its own weight by 2015.
He warned that President Bola Tinubu’s strategic placements across critical sectors risk creating a scenario where, by 2027, the president “virtually runs against himself,” should the fragmented opposition fail to coalesce into a formidable force.
The constitutional scholar lambasted the phenomenon of political “stomach infrastructure”—a term popularised by former Ekiti governor Ayodele Fayose—to describe how Nigerian politicians switch allegiances in pursuit of personal gain rather than ideological conviction.
“It’s like beans, akara, and moi-moi; they’re the same,” Ozekhome quipped, pointing to the absence of principle in party loyalty and the corrosive effect this has on democratic accountability.
Ozekhome drew attention to Nigeria’s declining scores on global democracy indices.
The country remains “Partly Free” with an aggregate score of 44/100 from Freedom House, and is categorised as a “hybrid regime” ranked 104th out of 167 countries by the Economist Intelligence Unit, with a score of just 4.23/10.
He warned that these figures signal democratic backsliding, not consolidation.
The veteran lawyer likened the average Nigerian’s acquiescence to a form of “Stockholm Syndrome,” arguing that hardship has driven citizens into resignation rather than resistance.
With fuel subsidies removed and inflation surging, public protests have been sporadic and largely ineffectual, emboldening those in power.
To avert a slide into autocracy, Ozekhome urged robust civic engagement. “The power is yours; it is not theirs,” he reminded Nigerians, calling on them to hold their leaders to account through voter education, grassroots mobilisation, and strategic legal action.
He stressed that democracy thrives only when citizens remain vigilant guard-dogs, willing to contest every attempt to erode constitutional safeguards.
As Nigeria approaches the 2027 general elections, drawing from Ozekhome’s call, the choice is clear: either reclaim the multiparty spirit enshrined in the 1999 Constitution or succumb to the iron-fisted rule of a de facto one-party state.
The coming months will test the resilience of Nigerian democracy—and whether the citizenry can heed Ozekhome’s urgent call to resist the path to dictatorship.
Atlantic Post writer Osaigbovo Okungbowa contributed to this report.
