Operation Service Wide (OSW) and Its Mandate
In 2021, then-President Muhammadu Buhari approved Operation Service Wide (OSW) – a joint task force led by Maj. Gen. Danjuma Ali-Keffi (rtd) – aimed at uprooting Boko Haram’s command structure and funding in Nigeria. OSW was a multi-agency counter-insurgency probe, combining the military, police, financial intelligence and other security agencies.
Its goal was to identify Boko Haram masterminds, expose their financiers, and dismantle the financial networks sustaining the Islamic insurgency.
Officially, OSW reported progress: by September 2021 it had traced suspicious money flows and arrested several high-profile suspects on evidence of terror-related financial transactions.
In practice, OSW operated like an anti-terror-finance unit. Working closely with the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU), it analysed bank transfers, currency exchange records and other data to follow the money trail.
According to a Wilson Center analysis, Nigeria’s NFIU has been strengthening such efforts – tracking foreign donations, kidnapping ransoms and even barter trades used by Boko Haram and Islamic State’s West Africa Province (ISWAP).
OSW was meant to leverage this financial intelligence to strike at Boko Haram’s support networks. Within months, OSW had detained dozens of suspects and gathered leads on major financiers and facilitators.
Ali-Keffi’s Explosive Allegations
But soon after presenting its findings, the operation hit a wall. Retired Gen. Ali-Keffi went public with shocking allegations: OSW had uncovered financiers tied to Nigeria’s most powerful figures – including past army chiefs, the ex-Attorney General, be and a former central bank governor.
According to Ali-Keffi, detailed in an exclusive report by SaharaReporters, two of the OSW suspects were linked to former Chief of Army Staff Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai (rtd.), two to ex-AGF Abubakar Malami (SAN), one to ex-CBN Governor Godwin Emefiele, and one to ex-COAS Gen. Faruk Yahaya (rtd.).
Importantly, Ali-Keffi stressed that he was not accusing these officials of direct wrongdoing. Instead, OSW investigators found that individuals under scrutiny had business associations or indirect connections to these powerful Nigerians.
In each case, the linkage came via professional or business ties (for example, a suspected money launderer who also employed a relative of one of the officials). The key point is that financial intelligence had raised questions about possible influence-peddling or cover-ups. Ali-Keffi said the NFIU’s director told him the probes suggested unusual financial relationships – enough to warrant follow-up.
For example, Ali-Keffi revealed that Lt. Gen. Buratai (rtd.) was asked by the NFIU boss to pressure OSW to release two suspects, a request he refused. Instead of compliance, Ali-Keffi reported this directly to President Buhari. The president is quoted as reacting, “You report to me and to me alone,” when informed of the pressure on the investigation.
In other words, Ali-Keffi claims he was given direct presidential backing. Yet immediately after this briefing, he himself was sidelined. On 18 October 2021, he was summoned to Military Police headquarters, questioned for hours, then detained for 64 days without charge or trial.
He was ultimately compulsorily retired with no explanation. Ali-Keffi insists this purge was designed to sabotage OSW – a claim supported by the fact that the investigation abruptly ended after his removal.
Suspects and Powerful Connections
OSW’s preliminary findings, as detailed by Ali-Keffi, paint a startling picture of elite involvement. Key claims include:
Ex-COAS Buratai: Two OSW detainees had ties to Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai (rtd.). Buratai is a former Army Chief of Staff and governor of one of Nigeria’s states. OSW learned he had business connections with these suspects, who were ostensibly legit entrepreneurs.
Ex-AGF Malami: Two suspects were linked to Abubakar Malami, who served as Nigeria’s Attorney-General and Minister of Justice. Malami’s office also appoints the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) chair, raising conflict-of-interest concerns.
Ex-CBN Governor Emefiele: One suspect was tied to Dr. Godwin Emefiele, former Governor of the Central Bank. Emefiele later became a controversial figure in Tinubu’s administration.
Ex-COAS Yahaya: Another suspect had links to Gen. Faruk Yahaya (rtd.), who succeeded Buratai as Army Chief.
“Legitimate” Businesses as Cover: Many suspects operated businesses like Bureau de Change or trade shops. OSW suspected these were fronts for moving illicit funds. All indications were that a cadre of money handlers supported insurgents under the guise of legal commerce.
Ali-Keffi notes repeatedly that none of these powerful individuals were themselves charged with terrorism financing. The allegations are that investigators found associates of these leaders conducting suspicious transactions.
Nevertheless, even indirect links are explosive in Nigeria’s context. In a conservative democracy, any hint that senior officials or ex-officers had indirect connections to terrorists calls for transparent inquiry.
Key Allegations (by Ali-Keffi, via OSW):
- Two suspects connected to ex-COAS Lt. Gen. Tukur Buratai.
- Two suspects connected to ex-AGF Abubakar Malami.
- One suspect connected to ex-CBN Gov. Godwin Emefiele.
- One suspect connected to ex-COAS Gen. Faruk Yahaya.
- OSW held 48 suspects on terrorism-finance evidence, with a prosecutor pushed out over demands for terror charges.
The claims also include a brazen bribery attempt. OSW identified an international suspect, Aboubacar Hima, who had about $600 million in an offshore account. When alerted, Nigeria’s team coordinated with the U.S. Financial Crimes Enforcement Network, which froze the account.
Ali-Keffi says that later an emissary for Hima offered $50 million to make Nigeria tell the U.S. it “had no issues” with the funds, effectively unfreezing it. He refused the bribe. Yet shortly after his own detention, Ali-Keffi learned the Nigerian government did write to Washington to unfreeze Hima’s money.
He interprets this as evidence that powerful players (possibly including Malami’s allies) negotiated behind the scenes.
Investigation Derailed and Aftermath
After Ali-Keffi was detained, OSW stalled. He reports that none of the suspects remained in custody. According to an insider he trusts, all 20 top suspects were quietly released without charges.
Indeed, Ali-Keffi learned none of the detained individuals were ever arraigned in court. They were warned not to speak publicly or sue over their near-year-long detention.
Even seized assets were not pursued: prosecutors only obtained temporary detention orders, not asset-forfeiture ordersAli-Keffi Revelations: Boko Haram Terror-Funding Network Tied to Nigeria’s Elite
Ali-Keffi maintains that this was deliberate. In his letter of redress, he noted persistent pressure to downgrade terrorism charges to mere money laundering. The likely motive was to hand cases to the EFCC, which Malami controlled, rather than keep them in the counterterrorism remit. In his words, “they wanted to ‘kill’ the investigation”.
With Ali-Keffi out of the way, OSW was crippled. No one has publicly explained why a counter-terror unit tracing Boko Haram cash would release financiers instead of prosecuting them. The only apparent beneficiary of this derailment was the power structure itself: suspects with high-level patrons walked free, and the probe was swept under the rug.
The OSW Hit List and Shekau
Perhaps the most sensational claim is that OSW had assembled a “hit list” of 400 suspects, including Boko Haram’s late leader Abubakar Shekau.
According to Ali-Keffi, Shekau himself was on that list. He implies that when they could not arrest Shekau openly, they “engineered” his death. (In May 2021, official sources claimed Shekau died fighting ISWAP; Ali-Keffi’s comment hints Nigeria’s military may have played a role.)
This shows that international partners actively support Nigeria’s counter-terror financing work – even if domestic interests may at times undermine it.
Whether true or not, this statement underscores how much OSW was digging: it had the names of hundreds of high-value targets. That no one was even questioned about this database adds to concerns that the entire endeavour was shut down abruptly.
These cases show Nigeria is part of a larger fight against terrorist financing. The difference is that within Nigeria, the fight appears politicized. In most countries, authorities celebrate such busts; in Nigeria, the whistleblower alleges cover-ups.
International partners continue to press Nigeria – for example, the U.S. State Department has repeatedly urged Nigeria to curb religiously-motivated violence. Yet Nigeria often denies the problem. In 2025 President Tinubu claimed “no religious persecution” exists in Nigeria, even as leaders at home and abroad cite ample evidence to the contrary Fr
Nigeria’s Christian Persecution Context
That the alleged financing network involves business cover-ups makes matters worse: it suggests militants’ funding is intertwined with Nigeria’s elite.
Nigerians, and especially the communities suffering Boko Haram’s wrath, deserve answers. The statistics tell a grim story: Nigeria’s Christians are being slaughtered in unprecedented numbers. If terrorists indeed receive funding that could be traced to Nigerian networks, society must know. The Atlantic Post calls for a transparent judicial investigation, free from political interference, and for international partners to withhold aid or impose sanctions until Nigeria restores faith in its counterterror mechanisms.
These revelations cannot be separated from Nigeria’s broader security crisis – one that disproportionately affects Christians. Boko Haram and Fulani militant attacks have killed and displaced tens of thousands of Christians.
Human rights groups report staggering figures. For instance, Intersociety-NG, a Nigerian NGO, calculates that over 52,000 Christians were slain by militants between 2009 and 2023, with an additional 18,500 abducted and 20,000 churches or schools attacked
It adds that in just the first seven months of 2025, 7,000+ Christians were killed in Nigeria. These figures paint a grim reality: one independent study found that 82% of all Christians murdered for their faith worldwide in 2022–23 died in Nigeria.
The U.S. Congress has taken note. A recent House resolution condemns “ongoing persecution and targeted killing of Christians” by Boko Haram, ISWAP, and Fulani militants. It quotes data showing that, adjusted for population, “Christians in Nigeria are being killed at a rate at least 5 times higher than that of Muslims”.
In other words, Christians are bearing the brunt of the violence. Islamic extremist groups often target churchgoers: massacres on Easter or Christmas, kidnappings of pastors, and destruction of mission villages are tragically common.
Open Doors, a Christian advocacy group, notes Nigeria sits at the “epicentre of targeted violence against the church,” with many women and children abducted for sexual enslavement
Persecution in Figures: At least 52,000 Christians killed in Nigeria (2009–2023)
Forced Displacement: Over 3.4 million Nigerians displaced by conflict as of late 2024 m (many from Christian-majority communities).
Global Impact: Nigeria accounted for 82% of worldwide faith-motivated Christian murders in 2022–
US House Findings: Christians killed 5× more than Muslims (per capita).
The Ongoing Threat: Christian Solidarity Worldwide reports Boko Haram/ISWAP active in at least 7 Nigerian states, including Abuja, and regularly targeting holy-day worshippers.
In this context, Ali-Keffi’s claims resonate with religious freedom advocates. They allege that Nigeria’s security apparatus has failed to protect Christians and may even be complicit in the violence by shielding perpetrators.
For many Christians in the Middle Belt and North, such revelations confirm a worst-case suspicion – that corruption and impunity in high office are allowing genocide-like attacks to continue unchecked.
International and Comparative Perspectives
Nigeria is not alone in struggling with terror financing. Across Africa and beyond, governments have launched major sweeps to break jihadist money trails. In October 2025, INTERPOL and AFRIPOL’s “Operation Catalyst”coordinated simultaneous actions in six African countries.;
The effort screened thousands of persons of interest and identified $260 million tied to extremist networks, seizing cash and crypto wallets. It led to 83 arrests, including 11 in Nigeria of “high-level” militants
Neighbouring Kenya recently made headlines too. In December 2025, Kenyan police arraigned a lawyer and two otherson terrorism-financing charges, accusing them of using mobile money and cryptocurrency to send funds to an ISIS-linked militant cell.
This crackdown, part of a broader operation that netted 22 suspects nationwide, underscores the global nature of terror funding: digital platforms and cross-border transfers are common tools.
Western intelligence and sanctions regimes also track these networks. In 2022, the US Treasury sanctioned a ring of financiers. These individuals raised hundreds of thousands of dollars in the UAE for Boko Haram.
Comparative examples:
Operation Catalyst (Oct 2025): 83 arrests across Africa, ~$260M identified; Nigeria apprehended 11 top suspects in the joint action.
Kenya (Dec 2025): Lawyer, two others charged with funding ISIS via mobile money and crypto.
UAE/US (2022): Six men convicted for transferring ~$782K from Dubai to Boko Haram.
Conclusion: Accountability and Security
Maj. Gen. Ali-Keffi’s revelations have shaken Nigeria’s trust in its institutions. If true, these revelations suggest some key government and military figures had indirect connections to Boko Haram’s funding chains. This story is too large for ordinary courts or commissions.
The fact that Ali-Keffi – who faithfully executed his duty – was punished while suspects were freed suggests a breakdown of accountability.
From a conservative, law-and-order perspective, this is intolerable. The rule of law demands that no one is above the law. If investigations touched powerful individuals, the remedy should have been deeper inquiries and prosecutions, not a shutdown. President Tinubu’s government now faces pressure to explain what happened. Will it allow an independent inquiry? Or will the status quo prevail?
Ali-Keffi’s revelations link terror suspects to former army chiefs and a past attorney-general. These connections can’t be brushed aside. They demand urgent action. Any impartial onlooker must ask: Why would a democracy stifle its own terror-finance probe?
The answer lies in the nexus of power and corruption. We will continue to follow this story closely, standing with those who seek justice for Nigeria’s victims.
Authorities should heed the warning: protect the whistleblowers and pursue every clue. Only then can Nigeria hope to defeat the insurgency and end the persecution of its innocent citizens.
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