The political firmament in Abuja was sent into a tailspin on 19 June 2025 when the National Opposition Coalition Group—helmed by former Vice‑President Atiku Abubakar and ex‑Kaduna Governor Nasir El‑Rufai—formally petitioned INEC to register the All Democratic Alliance (ADA).
With “Justice for All” emblazoned as its clarion call, this coalition of former heavyweights, which also features Rotimi Amaechi and Umar Ardo, has unequivocally signalled its intention to carve out a new political frontier rather than hitch its wagon to an existing party.
Such audacity is rare in Nigeria’s fractious political landscape and speaks to a profound erosion of faith in the status quo.
Atiku’s involvement brings decades of presidential ambition and disappointment to the ADA. Having stood for the presidency six times between 1993 and 2023—most recently as the PDP flagbearer in 2023—his persistence underscores a deep-seated belief that Nigeria’s democratic processes remain unfinished business.
Equally, El‑Rufai lends the coalition the sheen of reformist zeal. As Governor of Kaduna State from 2015 to 2023, his track record of infrastructural modernisation and FCT directorship under Obasanjo gives substance to ADA’s promise of “abundance, resilience and sustenance”.
Rotimi Amaechi’s endorsement adds further heft. The former Rivers State Governor (2007–2015) and Transportation Minister (2015–2022) is synonymous with bold infrastructure megaprojects—a political résumé the ADA will doubtless leverage to counter accusations of mere rhetoric.
Meanwhile, Umar Ardo, convener of the League of Northern Democrats, has argued passionately that only a fresh party can galvanise disillusioned voters, citing that barely 38 percent of the electorate endorsed the incumbent administration in 2023.
Yet, this high‑profile gambit arrives at a moment of mixed fortunes for President Tinubu. While the latest NOI Polls report an uptick in his approval ratings, expert scepticism persists about whether rising numbers on paper translate to grassroots confidence amid soaring living costs.
By framing ADA as the antidote to “deepening decline”, the coalition is staking everything on economic discontent as the fulcrum for political change.
INEC’s stern reminder that party registration demands “strict compliance” with constitutional and electoral statutes may yet trip up the ADA.
The commission has emphasised that registrations must reflect federal character, sound constitutions and non‑offensive symbols—criteria that have scuppered many fledgling associations.
Should ADA’s application stall, it would expose a fatal vulnerability: a movement birthed in defiance may founder on procedural technicalities.
Nevertheless, forging a new party confers unique advantages. It enables ADA to craft an untainted brand, free from the baggage of existing party machines, and to present a manifesto rooted in structural reforms rather than factional loyalties.
The maize symbol—evocative of sustenance and resilience—seeks to resonate with Nigeria’s agrarian heartlands, signalling a break from urban‑centred politicking.
Ultimately, the ADA’s success hinges on converting elite consensus into popular mobilisation. The coalition must transcend its capture by former office holders to genuinely engage youth, women and marginalised communities.
If it can, ADA might well rewrite the rules of Nigerian power—transforming a sensational registration bid into a seismic political shift. Otherwise, it risks becoming yet another footnote in the annals of thwarted opposition dreams.
